Tag: Climate Change Disinformation

Abstract

This article provides an overview of cultural environmental factors that influence interactions between organized cultural groups and the recipients of their aggregate outcome. The discussion highlights the elaborated account of metacontingency with the primary focus on ways this perspective offers points of entry to alter contextual factors and change cultural practices. The concepts of metacontingency, macrobehavior, macrocontingency, and cultural milieu are emphasized in the behavior scientific analysis of cultural practices. In this process, interactions of verbally sophisticated cultural groups, the aggregate outcome, and their influence on the cultural environment will be examined. Moreover, the mediating role of verbal repertoires of individuals will be discussed.

Abstract

This article provides an overview of cultural environmental factors that influence interactions between organized cultural groups and the recipients of their aggregate outcome. The discussion highlights the elaborated account of metacontingency with the primary focus on ways this perspective offers points of entry to alter contextual factors and change cultural practices. The concepts of metacontingency, macrobehavior, macrocontingency, and cultural milieu are emphasized in the behavior scientific analysis of cultural practices. In this process, interactions of verbally sophisticated cultural groups, the aggregate outcome, and their influence on the cultural environment will be examined. Moreover, the mediating role of verbal repertoires of individuals will be discussed.

Abstract

In response to the catastrophic flooding that occurred in British Columbia, Canada in November 2021, the City of Merritt is facing a difficult decision about whether to rebuild or not. The developing situation in Merritt provided a unique opportunity to explore the different types of adaptations (i.e., investments in climate resilient infrastructure, rebuilding, construction of structural mitigation, zoning, and buyouts) considered by policymakers in advance of official municipal decisions. Through qualitative mixed methods (e.g., interviews, open houses, town council meetings), the study explored preliminary discussions among decision makers surrounding long term risk reduction options including rebuild and retreat strategies, perceptions of flood risk, recovery challenges faced by small-scale municipalities, the development of the community’s flood mitigation plan, and recommendations for post-disaster transitional supports. The results indicated that communities in the post-disaster recovery phase are considering the use of buyouts as a risk reduction tool amongst broader flood mitigation strategies, however policy constraints and a lack of funding are impeding the implementation of a flood mitigation plan that includes buyouts. The findings suggest that decisions about post disaster recovery are often independent of broader municipal climate change adaptation plans instead focusing on short-term risk reduction mechanisms. Additionally, transitional supports including interim housing need to be accounted for in recovery planning. Governments in Canada can capitalize on the policy windows during the post-disaster recovery stage and learn from municipalities about the challenges and opportunities in the design and implementation of flood mitigation plans that can help to improve disaster policy.

Abstract

In this article, we argue that rational persuasion can be a pro tanto wrong and that online platforms possess features that are especially conducive to this wrong. We begin by setting out an account of rational persuasion. This consists of four jointly sufficient conditions for rational persuasion and is intended to capture the core, uncontroversial cases of such persuasion. We then discuss a series of wrong-making features which are present in methods of influence commonly thought of as pro tanto wrong, such as manipulation and paternalism. It is next shown that these wrong-making features are also present in a range of cases that are, by the jointly sufficient conditions already established, rational persuasion, and so some forms of rational persuasion are pro tanto wrong, including in some ways that have not previously been remarked upon. Finally, we demonstrate that online settings possess a number of features that are especially conducive to wrongful rational persuasion.

Abstract

In this article, we argue that rational persuasion can be a pro tanto wrong and that online platforms possess features that are especially conducive to this wrong. We begin by setting out an account of rational persuasion. This consists of four jointly sufficient conditions for rational persuasion and is intended to capture the core, uncontroversial cases of such persuasion. We then discuss a series of wrong-making features which are present in methods of influence commonly thought of as pro tanto wrong, such as manipulation and paternalism. It is next shown that these wrong-making features are also present in a range of cases that are, by the jointly sufficient conditions already established, rational persuasion, and so some forms of rational persuasion are pro tanto wrong, including in some ways that have not previously been remarked upon. Finally, we demonstrate that online settings possess a number of features that are especially conducive to wrongful rational persuasion.

Abstract

Some have heralded generative AI models as an opportunity to inform diplomacy and support diplomats’ communication campaigns. Others have argued that generative AI is inherently untrustworthy because it simply manages probabilities and doesn’t consider the truth value of statements. In this article, we examine how AI applications are built to smooth over uncertainty by providing a single answer among multiple possible answers and by presenting information in a tone and form that demands authority. We contrast this with the practices of public diplomacy professionals who must grapple with both epistemic and aleatory uncertainty head on to effectively manage complexities through negotiation. We argue that the rise of generative AI and its “operationalization of truth” invites us to reflect on the possible shortcoming of AI’s application to public diplomacy practices and to recognize how prominent uncertainty is in public diplomacy practices.

Abstract

This study aimed to identify the specific home environment factors that were judged to support or hinder the development of children’s critical reading skills. Using a Delphi method, 32 experts in Finland listed a set of home-related factors that can either hinder or support the development of children’s critical reading skills. The experts then evaluated and ranked the factors according to their perceived importance. A large set of home-related factors was produced. Out of these, we identified 13 supportive and nine hindering factors. The factors highlighted the importance of having a space for the child to be heard and involved in family discussions, having a space for differing viewpoints and critical thinking, parental competencies to support critical reading skills, and positive parental attitudes towards schooling and learning. The findings can be used for measurement and intervention development purposes.

Abstract

This study aimed to identify the specific home environment factors that were judged to support or hinder the development of children’s critical reading skills. Using a Delphi method, 32 experts in Finland listed a set of home-related factors that can either hinder or support the development of children’s critical reading skills. The experts then evaluated and ranked the factors according to their perceived importance. A large set of home-related factors was produced. Out of these, we identified 13 supportive and nine hindering factors. The factors highlighted the importance of having a space for the child to be heard and involved in family discussions, having a space for differing viewpoints and critical thinking, parental competencies to support critical reading skills, and positive parental attitudes towards schooling and learning. The findings can be used for measurement and intervention development purposes.

Abstract

This paper discusses the questions at the heart of the tussle between different types of knowledge within curricula that we conceptualise as ‘curriculum wars’. Across the world, we see increasing instances of young people’s radicalization around axes of race, religion, and gender. Viewing these developments side by side throws into question the various local, national, and global issues shaping young people’s political education and action in liberal democracies experiencing ongoing shift away from liberal values. Through a comprehensive narrative review, we provide an overview of key themes that have been explored in recent research on curriculum, youth political education, and democracy in England and Australia. We find that young peoples’ shift away from traditional electoral (big ‘P’) politics focussed on wider socio-economic issues to an individualised (small ‘p’) politics focussed on personal experiences poses serious curricular challenges—around content and modes of political education. Young peoples’ unparalleled access to online information and digital affordances creates further need to include digital and media education within the political education curriculum. This educational challenge could prospectively be met by a curriculum that is collaborative, action-research and activist based. Such a curriculum addresses issues relevant to young people’s lived realities including topics deemed ‘controversial’ for classrooms. Such an approach requires a perspectival shift away from youth as subjects of curricular reform to youth as collaborators and knowledge workers. We argue that critical literacy offers a practical and theoretical scaffold to conceptualise transformative and progressive youth political education and political action by emphasizing the need for socially justice focussed spaces for learning, reflection and action within schools and in communities.

Abstract

This article examines the role of the European Union (EU) as a global actor and its relationship with China. Within the context of the current European discourse, the study delves into the EU’s role as a normative actor and the increasing challenges it faces in its interactions with China. Consequently, the article describes how, in specific facets of this relationship, the EU, through its inconsistencies in discourse, engenders a potential perception of ambivalence and vulnerability on the international stage. Therefore, the argument put forth posits that the EU’s aspiration to propagate liberal norms and principles has rendered the formulation of an appropriate foreign policy towards China difficult, as manifested by the inconsistent rhetoric employed by its highest-ranking representatives. This discord reflects the intricate task of balancing the interests of the diverse member states, thereby unveiling a fragmented EU grappling with the China predicament while attempting to sustain its normative endeavors. By employing a concept-theoretical approach, the analysis results contribute to a novel comprehension of how the EU adapts its position as a global actor in response to the adversarial nature of China, emphasizing points of discursive incongruities and interest for future research in EU-China partnerships.